SINGAPORE: The General Election delivered a resounding mandate for the People’s Action Party (PAP) in Prime Minister Lawrence Wong’s electoral debut as party leader.
An overall vote share of 65.6 per cent may not seem particularly high by the PAP’s standards – it is lower than the party’s vote share in 2015 (69.9 per cent) and in 2006 (66.6 per cent). However, it is a remarkable result in the context of cost-of-living concerns as well as Singapore’s ongoing political evolution.
This year’s election sheds light on the future of Singapore’s political landscape. More than any other factor, exceptional politics will be critical for Singapore’s continued progress as a nation.
Recent high inflation across the world has not been kind to political incumbents. A Financial Times article noted that in 10 major countries that held elections in 2024, incumbent parties were defeated at the polls. Among these: the US Democratic Party, which lost the presidency and both houses of Congress, and the UK Conservative Party, which saw its 14-year hold on power end.
Unsurprisingly, cost of living was a central issue in Singapore’s GE2025. While inflation has fallen, consumer prices remain elevated. The PAP government responded by stepping up short-term support to households and long-term aid for the less well-off, while doubling down on investment in education, skills and job creation.
Other issues related to living costs, including the Goods and Service Tax (GST) hike and housing affordability, also featured prominently in the election.
In the end, the decision to hold the election this year rather than last probably played to the PAP’s advantage, as Singapore’s core inflation recently touched a four-year low. Elsewhere, inflation has similarly subsided and may have paved the way for incumbent parties’ success in the recent Australian and Canadian elections.
Some have suggested the economic uncertainty arising from US tariffs prompted a “flight to safety” among Singaporean voters in GE2025. However, the last GE held during the pandemic in 2020 saw the PAP win a relatively low 61.2 per cent of the vote, while the disparity in vote shares garnered by different opposition parties in GE2025 suggest that voters have not swung en masse to the PAP.
What is truly remarkable is the PAP’s continued political dominance even as Singapore’s political landscape matures. Today’s climate of political openness contrasts greatly with past decades where many Singaporeans were afraid to be associated with opposition politics, and opposition parties struggled to recruit qualified candidates.
With its parliamentary presence entrenched, the Workers’ Party (WP) is now able to attract new blood with academic and work credentials on par with the PAP slate.
Yet the PAP has continued to win elections by margins that would be considered a landslide in most countries. It is one of the longest-ruling parties in a parliamentary democracy, and its dominance will likely extend into the foreseeable future, notwithstanding the gradual rise of WP, its main rival.
Today, Singapore can be said to have a more ordinary political system coupled with extraordinary backing for the ruling party.
This unusual state of affairs can be attributed to the PAP’s adaptability and responsiveness to the concerns of the electorate. In particular, it continues to appeal to a broad swath of society, rather than allow special interests to capture the policy agenda.
While there remain significant pockets of unhappiness, the PAP government has at least taken steps to address concerns over immigration, worker protection, housing affordability and other hot-button issues. Even governance lapses – cited by opposition parties as indicative of sliding standards – are an opportunity for the government to do right by the public.
Judging from the results of GE2025, it appears that the electorate on balance feels that the PAP’s response has been adequate.
The part played by opposition parties in the PAP’s continued success should not be overlooked. Just as economic competition spurs businesses to deliver the best value to customers, political competition motivates the incumbent to keep its ear to the ground and deliver on its promises.
It is not the size of the opposition presence in parliament that matters, but the existence of credible alternatives to the ruling party that could step up to the job.
Again, a parallel can be drawn with contestable markets. A train line with high fixed costs may not be profitably run by more than one operator; yet consumers can enjoy the benefits of competition - such as train efficiency, reliability and good customer service - if there is competition for the licence to operate the line.
Politics in Singapore has certainly become more contestable with the WP emerging as a credible alternative party, and this may be the nudge the PAP needs to maintain its high standards. Should it manage to sustain its political dominance, it would mean that the government, and Singapore as a nation, have done well.
The trouble with many democracies is that over time, political competition intensifies to the point where society becomes divided according to political allegiance, and factions do everything possible to undermine rivals.
Political parties must therefore do their utmost to uphold respect and decorum, focusing debates on issues rather than ad hominem attacks. The overall tenor of GE2025 campaigning was positive, though there were instances where the line between issues and personalities became blurred.
Fostering a responsible and respectful political culture is the first step, but we could be even more ambitious.
The dilemmas inherent in Singapore’s electoral system are well-known. Each citizen has only a single vote to express his or her choice of government, local representatives, town council management, and satisfaction or otherwise with the ruling party’s performance.
Furthermore, the first-past-the post system creates a zero-sum contest where one party’s gain is another’s loss.
Under such circumstances, there is every incentive for the ruling party to distance itself from ideas raised by opposition parties, even if they are good ones, so as not to let the opposition claim credit for them.
Imagine an alternative where the contest of ideas expands rather than restricts the policy space, and where good initiatives are welcomed by voters of all stripes with credit shared around. Such a society would harness the collective ideas and energy of all citizens for the general good.
This scenario is not outside the realm of possibility. Singapore’s unique tripartite partnership, described as the “secret sauce” of harmonious industrial relations, illustrates how traditional competing interests can be transcended to attain win-win outcomes.
Likewise, it is conceivable, though certainly not easy, for Singapore to evolve an extraordinary brand of politics that would give the nation a unique competitive advantage in a turbulent world.
Terence Ho is Associate Professor (Practice) at the Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences. He is the author of Future-Ready Governance: Perspectives on Singapore and the World (2024).
Continue reading...
An overall vote share of 65.6 per cent may not seem particularly high by the PAP’s standards – it is lower than the party’s vote share in 2015 (69.9 per cent) and in 2006 (66.6 per cent). However, it is a remarkable result in the context of cost-of-living concerns as well as Singapore’s ongoing political evolution.
This year’s election sheds light on the future of Singapore’s political landscape. More than any other factor, exceptional politics will be critical for Singapore’s continued progress as a nation.
INFLATION THE BANE OF POLITICAL INCUMBENTS
Recent high inflation across the world has not been kind to political incumbents. A Financial Times article noted that in 10 major countries that held elections in 2024, incumbent parties were defeated at the polls. Among these: the US Democratic Party, which lost the presidency and both houses of Congress, and the UK Conservative Party, which saw its 14-year hold on power end.
Unsurprisingly, cost of living was a central issue in Singapore’s GE2025. While inflation has fallen, consumer prices remain elevated. The PAP government responded by stepping up short-term support to households and long-term aid for the less well-off, while doubling down on investment in education, skills and job creation.
Other issues related to living costs, including the Goods and Service Tax (GST) hike and housing affordability, also featured prominently in the election.
In the end, the decision to hold the election this year rather than last probably played to the PAP’s advantage, as Singapore’s core inflation recently touched a four-year low. Elsewhere, inflation has similarly subsided and may have paved the way for incumbent parties’ success in the recent Australian and Canadian elections.
Some have suggested the economic uncertainty arising from US tariffs prompted a “flight to safety” among Singaporean voters in GE2025. However, the last GE held during the pandemic in 2020 saw the PAP win a relatively low 61.2 per cent of the vote, while the disparity in vote shares garnered by different opposition parties in GE2025 suggest that voters have not swung en masse to the PAP.
Related:
PAP’S CONTINUED DOMINANCE
What is truly remarkable is the PAP’s continued political dominance even as Singapore’s political landscape matures. Today’s climate of political openness contrasts greatly with past decades where many Singaporeans were afraid to be associated with opposition politics, and opposition parties struggled to recruit qualified candidates.
With its parliamentary presence entrenched, the Workers’ Party (WP) is now able to attract new blood with academic and work credentials on par with the PAP slate.
Yet the PAP has continued to win elections by margins that would be considered a landslide in most countries. It is one of the longest-ruling parties in a parliamentary democracy, and its dominance will likely extend into the foreseeable future, notwithstanding the gradual rise of WP, its main rival.
Today, Singapore can be said to have a more ordinary political system coupled with extraordinary backing for the ruling party.
This unusual state of affairs can be attributed to the PAP’s adaptability and responsiveness to the concerns of the electorate. In particular, it continues to appeal to a broad swath of society, rather than allow special interests to capture the policy agenda.
While there remain significant pockets of unhappiness, the PAP government has at least taken steps to address concerns over immigration, worker protection, housing affordability and other hot-button issues. Even governance lapses – cited by opposition parties as indicative of sliding standards – are an opportunity for the government to do right by the public.
Judging from the results of GE2025, it appears that the electorate on balance feels that the PAP’s response has been adequate.
Related:
CONTESTABILITY IS KEY
The part played by opposition parties in the PAP’s continued success should not be overlooked. Just as economic competition spurs businesses to deliver the best value to customers, political competition motivates the incumbent to keep its ear to the ground and deliver on its promises.
It is not the size of the opposition presence in parliament that matters, but the existence of credible alternatives to the ruling party that could step up to the job.
Again, a parallel can be drawn with contestable markets. A train line with high fixed costs may not be profitably run by more than one operator; yet consumers can enjoy the benefits of competition - such as train efficiency, reliability and good customer service - if there is competition for the licence to operate the line.
Politics in Singapore has certainly become more contestable with the WP emerging as a credible alternative party, and this may be the nudge the PAP needs to maintain its high standards. Should it manage to sustain its political dominance, it would mean that the government, and Singapore as a nation, have done well.
POLITICS SHOULDN’T BE ZERO-SUM
The trouble with many democracies is that over time, political competition intensifies to the point where society becomes divided according to political allegiance, and factions do everything possible to undermine rivals.
Political parties must therefore do their utmost to uphold respect and decorum, focusing debates on issues rather than ad hominem attacks. The overall tenor of GE2025 campaigning was positive, though there were instances where the line between issues and personalities became blurred.
Fostering a responsible and respectful political culture is the first step, but we could be even more ambitious.
The dilemmas inherent in Singapore’s electoral system are well-known. Each citizen has only a single vote to express his or her choice of government, local representatives, town council management, and satisfaction or otherwise with the ruling party’s performance.
Furthermore, the first-past-the post system creates a zero-sum contest where one party’s gain is another’s loss.
Under such circumstances, there is every incentive for the ruling party to distance itself from ideas raised by opposition parties, even if they are good ones, so as not to let the opposition claim credit for them.
Imagine an alternative where the contest of ideas expands rather than restricts the policy space, and where good initiatives are welcomed by voters of all stripes with credit shared around. Such a society would harness the collective ideas and energy of all citizens for the general good.
This scenario is not outside the realm of possibility. Singapore’s unique tripartite partnership, described as the “secret sauce” of harmonious industrial relations, illustrates how traditional competing interests can be transcended to attain win-win outcomes.
Likewise, it is conceivable, though certainly not easy, for Singapore to evolve an extraordinary brand of politics that would give the nation a unique competitive advantage in a turbulent world.
Terence Ho is Associate Professor (Practice) at the Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences. He is the author of Future-Ready Governance: Perspectives on Singapore and the World (2024).
Continue reading...