SINGAPORE: Last week, Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong said that Israel’s restriction of aid into Gaza may be a “likely breach of international humanitarian law” that “cannot be justified”. The comments were the strongest so far by Singapore’s leadership since the Hamas terrorist attack on Oct 7, 2023, and Israel’s response.
Beyond the language, the fact that Mr Wong made those comments at a joint press conference with visiting French President Emmanuel Macron was significant: Of late, Mr Macron had himself emphasised that Europe should “harden its collective position” on Israel, including affording official recognition for a Palestinian state.
This has come on the back of steps taken by the United Kingdom and Canada to denounce Israel’s latest military offensive in Gaza, including the threat of “concrete actions”.
Perhaps what has raised eyebrows the most was German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s recent comment that he could “no longer understand” what goal Israel was aiming to achieve with its latest Gaza offensive. It was a clear break from Germany’s longstanding “reason of state” – a special responsibility for Israel on account of the horrors perpetrated against European Jews by the Nazis.
These actions point to a growing consensus internationally – even in the West – that Israel should not be given carte blanche in Gaza. But where do statements end, and actions begin?
Following Mr Wong’s remarks, Acting Minister-in-Charge of Muslim Affairs Faishal Ibrahim said he agreed with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, who wrote in the newspaper Haaretz that Israel is committing war crimes in Gaza. Prof Faishal took pains to note Israel’s contributions to “Singapore in our early years”, but said he thought it was time “to be frank”.
But while the Singapore leaders’ remarks received much attention, they should not be seen as a shift in our position.
Just four months after Israel began retaliating for Hamas’ attacks, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan told Parliament during the Committee of Supply debates on Feb 29, 2024 that its “military response has gone too far”. This followed his speech in November 2023, which outlined the three principles of Singapore’s position: zero tolerance towards terrorism; the right of self-defence dictated by international law; and that necessity and proportionality should be accounted for if military action is required for self-defence.
Put simply, Singapore’s position that Israel was using disproportionate force was arrived at quickly.
What is less talked about is Singapore’s longstanding support for Palestinian aspirations, including its voting record in the United Nations on the issue, and its constant backing for a two-state solution. After the Gaza war began, the government and people have backed their support with actions: The Republic of Singapore Air Force has delivered seven tranches of humanitarian aid to Gaza, totalling over S$19 million, including via air drop operations. The Singapore Armed Forces, together with the Ministry of Health, deployed a medical contingent in April to treat Palestinians in Egypt.
When compared to the likes of China, whose aid delivery so far amounted to US$2.75 million – broken down into six shipments of food parcels – Singapore has again punched above its weight in the international arena.
What is also significant about Mr Wong’s remark is that it mirrors the increasing daylight between support for Israel and for the Netanyahu government, around the world, particularly in the West.
What began with robust Spanish support for the Palestinians grew into recognition (alongside Ireland and Norway) of a Palestinian state in May 2024, and has now broadened into criticism of Israeli conduct among Israel’s closest European friends. The European Union has even moved to review the EU-Israel Association Agreement – the basis for trade relations.
Trouble for Israel is brewing across the Atlantic, too.
United States President Donald Trump’s has reportedly expressed frustration with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, owing to a divide between the former’s desire to see an end to the war and the latter’s defiance. Mr Trump has blindsided Mr Netanyahu on several other occasions thus far, including negotiating a new nuclear deal with Iran, and brokering direct agreements with Hamas and the Houthis that left Israel sidelined and vulnerable.
The US president’s high-profile trip to the Middle East just two weeks ago omitted Israel, which spoke volumes – and that is before one accounts for his decision to lift sanctions on Syria. To rub salt in the wound, Vice President JD Vance scrapped a planned visit to Israel, too, reportedly over concerns that such a trip would validate its renewed offensive into Gaza.
It must be said, however, that the current wave of criticism remains just that. Whether the US, Europe, or others will apply more than vocal and symbolic pressure on Israel in order to change the situation on the ground remains to be seen.
Nevertheless, prospects for ending the war remain bleak for one reason: Neither side in Gaza has come down from their hardline positions.
For every move made by Israel that prolongs the conflict, Hamas has one of its own. It recently torpedoed a US-backed ceasefire proposal with additional demands. As US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff said, the Hamas response “only takes us backward”, when the original intention was build momentum with “substantive negotiations in good faith to try to reach a permanent ceasefire”.
If external pressure is not working, perhaps domestic concerns will force a rethink, as discontent continues to percolate.
People take part in a protest demanding the end of the war and immediate release of hostages held by Hamas in the Gaza Strip, and against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government in Tel Aviv, Israel, Saturday, May 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Leo Correa)
In Israel, public letters by reservists denouncing the continuation of war and poll findings that indicate a lack of trust (at 70 per cent) in the government, point to Mr Netanyahu’s precarious position. The latest survey conducted by the Pew Research Center reveals that 53 per cent of Israelis view the prime minister unfavourably.
Likewise, in Gaza, support for Hamas has dwindled. Findings released by the Palestinian Center for Policy Survey Research show a significant drop in Gazan support for Hamas, from 64 per cent in June 2024 to 39 per cent in September 2024. In March this year, Palestinians also took to the streets in the Strip to demonstrate against Hamas, with chants of “we want an end to the war”.
This should make both sides realise that an off-ramp is needed quickly.
If this is to happen sooner rather than later, consistent messages from Israel’s friends – like the ones from Singapore – rather than hopping between unconditional support and shrill warnings, will be key.
Clemens Chay is Research Fellow at the Middle East Institute, National University of Singapore.
Continue reading...
Beyond the language, the fact that Mr Wong made those comments at a joint press conference with visiting French President Emmanuel Macron was significant: Of late, Mr Macron had himself emphasised that Europe should “harden its collective position” on Israel, including affording official recognition for a Palestinian state.
This has come on the back of steps taken by the United Kingdom and Canada to denounce Israel’s latest military offensive in Gaza, including the threat of “concrete actions”.
Perhaps what has raised eyebrows the most was German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s recent comment that he could “no longer understand” what goal Israel was aiming to achieve with its latest Gaza offensive. It was a clear break from Germany’s longstanding “reason of state” – a special responsibility for Israel on account of the horrors perpetrated against European Jews by the Nazis.
These actions point to a growing consensus internationally – even in the West – that Israel should not be given carte blanche in Gaza. But where do statements end, and actions begin?
HAS SINGAPORE'S POSITION SHIFTED?
Following Mr Wong’s remarks, Acting Minister-in-Charge of Muslim Affairs Faishal Ibrahim said he agreed with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, who wrote in the newspaper Haaretz that Israel is committing war crimes in Gaza. Prof Faishal took pains to note Israel’s contributions to “Singapore in our early years”, but said he thought it was time “to be frank”.
But while the Singapore leaders’ remarks received much attention, they should not be seen as a shift in our position.
Just four months after Israel began retaliating for Hamas’ attacks, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan told Parliament during the Committee of Supply debates on Feb 29, 2024 that its “military response has gone too far”. This followed his speech in November 2023, which outlined the three principles of Singapore’s position: zero tolerance towards terrorism; the right of self-defence dictated by international law; and that necessity and proportionality should be accounted for if military action is required for self-defence.
Put simply, Singapore’s position that Israel was using disproportionate force was arrived at quickly.
What is less talked about is Singapore’s longstanding support for Palestinian aspirations, including its voting record in the United Nations on the issue, and its constant backing for a two-state solution. After the Gaza war began, the government and people have backed their support with actions: The Republic of Singapore Air Force has delivered seven tranches of humanitarian aid to Gaza, totalling over S$19 million, including via air drop operations. The Singapore Armed Forces, together with the Ministry of Health, deployed a medical contingent in April to treat Palestinians in Egypt.
When compared to the likes of China, whose aid delivery so far amounted to US$2.75 million – broken down into six shipments of food parcels – Singapore has again punched above its weight in the international arena.
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AN INCREASINGLY ISOLATED ISRAEL INTERNATIONALLY
What is also significant about Mr Wong’s remark is that it mirrors the increasing daylight between support for Israel and for the Netanyahu government, around the world, particularly in the West.
What began with robust Spanish support for the Palestinians grew into recognition (alongside Ireland and Norway) of a Palestinian state in May 2024, and has now broadened into criticism of Israeli conduct among Israel’s closest European friends. The European Union has even moved to review the EU-Israel Association Agreement – the basis for trade relations.
Trouble for Israel is brewing across the Atlantic, too.
United States President Donald Trump’s has reportedly expressed frustration with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, owing to a divide between the former’s desire to see an end to the war and the latter’s defiance. Mr Trump has blindsided Mr Netanyahu on several other occasions thus far, including negotiating a new nuclear deal with Iran, and brokering direct agreements with Hamas and the Houthis that left Israel sidelined and vulnerable.
The US president’s high-profile trip to the Middle East just two weeks ago omitted Israel, which spoke volumes – and that is before one accounts for his decision to lift sanctions on Syria. To rub salt in the wound, Vice President JD Vance scrapped a planned visit to Israel, too, reportedly over concerns that such a trip would validate its renewed offensive into Gaza.
It must be said, however, that the current wave of criticism remains just that. Whether the US, Europe, or others will apply more than vocal and symbolic pressure on Israel in order to change the situation on the ground remains to be seen.
Related:
INTRANSIGENCE LEADS TO IMMOBILITY
Nevertheless, prospects for ending the war remain bleak for one reason: Neither side in Gaza has come down from their hardline positions.
For every move made by Israel that prolongs the conflict, Hamas has one of its own. It recently torpedoed a US-backed ceasefire proposal with additional demands. As US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff said, the Hamas response “only takes us backward”, when the original intention was build momentum with “substantive negotiations in good faith to try to reach a permanent ceasefire”.
If external pressure is not working, perhaps domestic concerns will force a rethink, as discontent continues to percolate.
People take part in a protest demanding the end of the war and immediate release of hostages held by Hamas in the Gaza Strip, and against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government in Tel Aviv, Israel, Saturday, May 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Leo Correa)
In Israel, public letters by reservists denouncing the continuation of war and poll findings that indicate a lack of trust (at 70 per cent) in the government, point to Mr Netanyahu’s precarious position. The latest survey conducted by the Pew Research Center reveals that 53 per cent of Israelis view the prime minister unfavourably.
Likewise, in Gaza, support for Hamas has dwindled. Findings released by the Palestinian Center for Policy Survey Research show a significant drop in Gazan support for Hamas, from 64 per cent in June 2024 to 39 per cent in September 2024. In March this year, Palestinians also took to the streets in the Strip to demonstrate against Hamas, with chants of “we want an end to the war”.
This should make both sides realise that an off-ramp is needed quickly.
If this is to happen sooner rather than later, consistent messages from Israel’s friends – like the ones from Singapore – rather than hopping between unconditional support and shrill warnings, will be key.
Clemens Chay is Research Fellow at the Middle East Institute, National University of Singapore.
Continue reading...